Zimbabwe appears incapable of extricating itself from a morass of ever-mounting political, social and economic crises since gaining independence in 1980.  Among these are interminable political disputes, violence, the government’s lack of accountability, endemic corruption, economic instability, social distress and increasing criminality. Simmering below the surface too, are long-standing grievances about pre and post-independence human rights violations that demand credible dialogue, redress and restorative justice acceptable to both survivors and the families of deceased victims. The burning question is whether Zimbabwe can presently be considered an authoritarian state or if it is on the brink of being labelled a totalitarian military regime. While it can be argued that the government still tolerates opposition parties, it appears to have little appetite for dissenting voices. Irrespective of whether Zimbabwe’s attempts to evolve and reinvent itself will prove successful over the long term, the dangerous and disruptive influence of perpetrators who have enjoyed impunity will also need some careful consideration.  

With inflation at 225%, the highest in the world, and unemployment at 96%, hardship is almost palpable. Hundreds of thousands of Zimbabweans who lost jobs abroad during the Covid19 pandemic returned home with little hope of finding employment and placing significant strain on their families. The International Office of Migration (IOM) noted in a 2022 report^[1] that “approximately 380,000 Zimbabwean migrants have returned to Zimbabwe, fearing issues related to personal safety, and expecting to obtain job opportunities to support reintegration into their communities”.

Humanitarian agencies report disconcertingly high levels of school and college drop-outs who are unable to afford tuition fees, uniforms or books. This has resulted in a significant rise in sex work and sexual exploitation^[2].  Humanitarian groups further warn of ongoing food precarity with as many as seven million Zimbabweans requiring food assistance^[3]. Despair and frustration at the poor medical infrastructure and lack of essential personal protective equipment have forced public sector healthcare professionals onto the streets in protest. Ongoing health insecurity has pushed expectant mothers to neighbouring countries to obtain even the most basic obstetric services^[4].  

Additionally, high costs of inputs and poor infrastructure supply as well as weather-related natural disasters have affected food production. Economists warn that the country’s widespread deindustrialization, unemployment and under-employment will continue to put pressure on the country’s economic performance. Over the last decade, the national attitude appears to be that of grim endurance with rising levels of depression, suicide and substance abuse^[5]. Concurrently, Zimbabwe’s gendered inequalities mean women and girls experience high levels of gender-based violence (GBV) committed against them by men. Because of deeply entrenched social attitudes about their sexual orientation, excluded and marginalized groups such as LGBTIQ+ people are denied the full enjoyment of their human rights and equality.

Ahead of the country’s national elections expected in 2023, many of Zimbabwe’s 15 million people, 51% women and 49% men,^[6] living in the global diaspora^[7] have no right to vote. A recent upsurge in migration of those in search of opportunities internationally has produced a schism between the numbers of registered voters and those whose names are on the voter’s roll but are unable to vote because of their non-resident status. Gaps have been identified with the recently issued Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) delimitation report with political actors indicating flaws in the report’s contents.

This essay takes a closer look at Zimbabwe’s four-decade-long problems.

^[1] See IOM 2022 Zimbabwe Crisis Response Plan 2022 available at http://www.IOM.int

^[2] See Action Aid Zimbabwe 2022

^[3] See FEWSNET 2022

^[4] For instance, see reports from Limpopo, South Africa regarding high demand for health care by Zimbabweans.

^[5] See www.Friendshipbench.org

^[6]Zimstat Census 2012:  http://www.zimstat.co.zw/sites/default/files/img/publications/Census/Women_and_Men_Summary_Report_2012.pdf

^[7] Mostly in: South Africa, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, Rwanda, Botswana, New Zealand, Liberia, Malawi, Namibia, The Netherlands.

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